1950s
The Wisdom of CrowdsThe 1950s occupy two contrasting roles in the book: they are remembered as a high point of American corporate enthusiasm for teamwork, and as the setting for a bowling boom that became a striking example of speculative excess. The decade’s meetings and committees did not necessarily distribute authority, while its booming bowling business did not justify the soaring expectations attached to its stocks. In both cases, the period shows why collective activity alone is no guarantee of sound collective judgment.
Corporate teamwork and concentrated authority
In the mid-century corporation, hierarchy and centralization coexisted with abundant rhetoric about participation. The book describes the 1950s as the heyday of the bureaucratic corporation, yet also says companies were positively obsessed with teamwork and committee meetings. That enthusiasm did not mean final authority had shifted to groups: in the prevailing corporate model, a small number of senior figures—and often the chief executive—retained decision-making power.
The contrast echoed earlier campaigns for worker involvement. Major corporations had introduced profit-sharing and voting rights for workers in the second decade of the twentieth century, while the human-relations movement of the 1930s argued that employees were happier and more productive when management listened to them. By the 1950s, group-oriented corporate practice had become familiar enough to draw criticism from William H. Whyte. In The Organization Man, he objected that companies idealized middle managers, or “lieutenants,” rather than their leaders. His critique exposes an enduring ambiguity in the decade’s corporate culture: an organization could prize teamwork while still respecting hierarchy and managerial control.
Nor did committee work automatically produce the benefits of collective intelligence. The book distinguishes collective decision-making from consensus seeking. A group need not reach consensus to draw on a crowd’s knowledge; the demand for agreement can instead narrow debate, discourage unfamiliar views, and produce cautious compromises. The decade’s committee culture therefore serves as a historical counterpoint to the idea that simply assembling people together makes a decision wiser.
Bowling’s broad appeal
Bowling’s expansion gave the decade a more concrete form of collective enthusiasm. After a long development, an automatic pinsetter was introduced at a bowling alley in Mount Clemens, Michigan, in 1951. The machines were quicker and more reliable than pin boys, making the game faster and more pleasurable. As alleys improved, bowling shed some of its dingy image and was promoted as an activity for the whole family. The bowling alley became known as “the people’s country club.”
The popularity was measurable: by the late 1950s, more than 10 million people bowled at least once a week. That broad participation helped establish the commercial appeal of bowling and contributed to a powerful belief that its growth would continue. The same enthusiasm that made the sport a major leisure activity also gave investors and analysts an inviting story about future demand. The book’s account keeps those facts distinct: bowling’s real popularity was not itself proof that every forecast built upon it would come true.
From popularity to a stock bubble
Investors turned that popularity into a financial boom. Between 1957 and 1958, shares in American Machine and Foundry and Brunswick, another bowling-equipment maker, doubled. Smaller bowling companies went public, money flowed into the industry, and alleys spread across the country. By 1960, the United States had 12,000 bowling alleys containing a total of 110,000 lanes. Investors had put $2 billion into the bowling business.
Wall Street helped inflate expectations by projecting the sport’s rapid growth into the future. Analysts suggested that eventually every American would bowl for two hours a week. Charles Schwab, then beginning his Wall Street career, illustrated the arithmetic behind the projection by multiplying a population of 180 million by two hours per week and 52 weeks. The calculation made the forecast sound concrete, but it rested on the assumption that the rapid popularity of the 1950s would continue at the same pace. As enthusiasm spread from the sport itself to anything associated with it, the share-price boom acquired momentum of its own.
The reversal and the decade’s significance
The boom did not last. By 1963, bowling stocks had fallen 80 percent from their all-time highs, and it took nearly a decade for them to regain the lost ground. Bowling also became less popular after its peak during the Eisenhower years. In the later comparison offered by the book, the United States had about half as many bowling alleys as forty years earlier despite having roughly 100 million more people. The difference between a genuine popular pastime and the inflated investment expectations built around it became clear only after the boom had broken.
The decade’s paired examples sharpen the book’s broader argument. Corporate committees could celebrate group participation without surrendering concentrated authority or making space for disagreement. Bowling could attract millions of regular players without making investors’ projections reliable. The 1950s thus stand both for the social appeal of collective activity and for its limits: whether in a meeting room or a market, the number of participants does not by itself determine the quality of the result.